Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Socialism, Anti-Journalism, Trump, and William L. Shirer on the Lying and Censored Press in a Totalitarian State

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Fascism, Media, National Socialism, Politics, What To Read

28 year-old Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez defeated 4th ranking and established House Democrat, Rep. Joe Crowley in the New York House Democratic primary last week, saying that leftist policies can win elections. First-term Illinois’s Democratic senator, Tammy Duckworth disagreed, arguing that, while it may be the future of the Bronx, running on policies too far to the left would not work in the Midwest, she said on CNN’s State of the Union. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez ran as democratic socialist, leaving conservatives and Fox political pundits with the same stale critiques of socialism, and hence dumbfounded as to what democratic socialism is, what the Justice Democrat movement wants, and mixed-economies.

Kyle Kulinski eats into Alex Jones and the Right on this smearing of Ocasia-Cortez as being way in over their heads. Kulinski reveals, that he was the one that wrote the original Justice Democrat platform; and that they are for social democracy, populist leftism, libertarian-leftism, and are pro-capitalist.

Dave Brat (R), Virginian Congressman had badly compared Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s policies to the Soviet Union.

At a Socialist vs. Republican debate at DePaul University a year or so ago, one would have witnessed, as I did, the end recruitment call to tables, in which after, nearly all the students went to the socialist table. The days in the United States when socialism was a negative term, is dead, as it died in Europe; and young students are open to the ideas that democratic socialism and social democrats offer them. They claim to be the “true populists,” precisely because their policies are favorable to both political demographics. The key for both political parties is convincing the working class.

President Donald Trump, who began to adopt aspects of the platform expressed by Sen. Bernie Sanders, back in 2016 claimed, that under his influence, the Republican Party would become a broad populist coalition focused on workers, hence, a Workers’ Party. I could not help, but be reminded of semblances to the era of Nazi Germany, being a scout about Fascist ideologies and the history of the National Socialist party under Adolf Hitler; so I dug up William L. Shirer’s The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, as well as some research on Fascism and Conservatism, that William L. Shirer covered. Being, that I write about the history of Classical and Neo-Republicanism (i.e., the Ideological Roots of the American Revolution), I cannot help but be curious as to why American Party Politics has a Conservativism at all and even worst in our times, a reactionary infestation within that American-style Conservatism; since the history and ideology is telling me, that the Union is basically in truth and spirit — a Brotherhood, an Association, a Fraternity, a Coalition of Revolutionaries of the Left, albeit Anglo majority. History also tells me, that conservatism, or the Right, was the same fundamentally (who its policies benefited the most) in the 18th century as they are now this minute in the United States. President Trump’s aim to make the Republican Party a workers’ party, and make grandiose gestures in support of the Army and nationalist conservatives, was exactly what Adolf Hitler promised to the German workers, and impressed on the Army, Marshals, and nationalist conservatives. Hitler masterfully played to the sympathies of the Old Order conservatives, but the co-ordination of the Reich depended on the fact Hitler acquired power, because of the conservative political elites. The same situation occurred in Italy during the saga of Benito Mussolini and Victor Emmanuel III’s short-lived diarchy of King and Duce. Mussolini, being hailed early by the Kingdom of Italy and the Catholic Church as “the man who gave God back to Italy and Italy back to God,” mirrors the clamoring-praise of the Religious Right in our country during Trump’s victory; and who further revealed after the move of the U.S. Embassy to Israel, that many of them view Donald Trump as a Prophet fulfilling Biblical prophecy.

The conservative political powers in Italy and Germany aided Mussolini and Hitler to legitimate authority and legal power, because they hoped they could use them to halt the growth of radical socialism, anarchists, and republicanism. This would restore their idea of the “social order,” create the necessary conditions to get rid of the fascists with it, and return to power; and lastly to re-establish their vision of the political rule of traditional conservative elites and the dominance of private enterprise. This latter is exactly the stereotype about the American Right, and the Republican Party in the United States, and characterizes their actions, even as the “anti-establishment” President Trump leads them. The Republican Party is now, “the Party of Trump,” as Republicans and the Alt-Right went on periodical cycles of purges, letting voters know, it is his party, and the prerogative is simply, ‘loyalty to President Trump.’ Fascist ideologies and movements are partly defined by what they’re against, and this regards the ‘Anti-Liberalism’ of American Conservatives, more vehement and pronounced than before Trump’s election campaign.

“In 2005, the rightist historian John Lukacs wrote that America’s political future might well be decided on the Right, in a contest “between people on the Right whose binding belief is their contempt for Leftists, who hate liberals more than they love liberty, and others who love liberty more than they fear liberals.”

That line came to mind last night, reading the paeans to Trump for giving the news media hell in his press conference yesterday,”

Rod Dreher of The American Conservative said in his article, Conservatism Does Not Equal Anti-Liberalism (Feb. 17, 2017). It does now. Go to any comment section—any conservative publisher, or pundit, and this is the message. Rod Dreher brought up rightist historian John Lukacs on American political future, and “populism displacing the institutions and customs that had served our Republic for over two centuries.”

Conservativism, and being a “Republican,” now means being rabidly anti-liberal, anti-leftist, and a slew of other emotionally-charged things, but that existed there before Donald Trump was elected to one of the highest offices of power in the world. The popular faces of the American right have conditioned Americans with the exact thinking and rationale Trump gives legitimacy to for over a decade, and now they are adopting traditional conservatism, reactionary Dark Enlightenment thought, positive (magical) thinking (“memeing Trump into office”), Fourth Political Theory (Duginists) and Russian nationalist traditionalism, and so forth — all while claiming “the demonic Left,” and the Press are the enemies.

The American Republicans are not REPUBLICANS (who stood on the other side of the pro-monarchist conservatives of France and England) in the only sense it meant, and cowardly its leader and votaries play to their old stale talking points and the base, more than they’re willing to denounce far-right thinking and logic (denying such excuse of denunciation to other races and Muslims), as much as the President so fervently rails against the American Press.

Steve Bannon in Paris, France, March 10, 2018 in relation to this said to his audience on the movement underlying Trump’s populist coalition:

“Let them call you racists. Let them call you xenophobes. Let them call you nativists. Wear it as a badge of honor. Because everyday we get stronger, and they get weaker.”

CNN’s Chris Cuomo questioned Rep. Steve King (R-IA) about retweeting a message from a self-described Nazi sympathizer who had expressed admiration for Adolf Hitler, and he doubled-down.

Mr. Trump already explained the reason he repeatedly denounces the media and journalists — the only people holding him accountable and tallying his lies because conservatives won’t do it — in Lesley Stahl: President Trump’s admitted tactic to “discredit” Press, and Cenk Uygur defends True Journalism. I cannot keep up with the flurry of lies Trump keeps adding by the day — a lie as simple to fact-check, at his rally in Montana, he stated to an exuberant crowd, that Ronald Reagan did not win Wisconsin when he ran, but Trump was the last Republican to win Wisconsin since Dwight Eisenhower, and he says this like it is nothing. Like, he is absolutely right. Yet, Ronald Reagan won Wisconsin both times he ran.

All of this behavior gives us a warning, not about Democratic Socialism, or Ocasia-Cortez, as right intellectuals and publishers are doing. The Trump administration is lying to the U.N. it has disrespected several times about the poverty in this country (The U.N. says 18.5 million Americans are in ‘extreme poverty.’ Trump’s team says just 250,000 are); the Trump tax cuts carry a big price tag (Huge debt and risk of another financial crisis, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office); he’s scaring his base and lying about the Democrats and Democratic Socialists wanting Open Borders (No, Democrats Don’t Want ‘Open Borders’and a Trump administration appointee to the State Department tore into standard UN documents that condemn racism as a threat to democracy.

Milo Yiannopoulos, after suggesting journalists should be gunned down faced high backlash, following the Capital Gazette Shooting. Milo’s reaction was to Maxine Water’s call for protest — who is being highly disrespected and shunned by Nancy Pelosi and other top Democrats — against the Trump Cabinet, not Republicans and Trump supporters. Conservative media spun false propaganda throughout the week before the shooting, that Maxine Waters called for the murder of, and violence against Trump supporters on Capitol Hill, when she didn’t. The issue with Fake news sharing in US is a rightwing thing (6 Feb. 2018), says University of Oxford project study or Newsweek’s Liberals don’t share or believe fake news as much as RightwingersDonald Trump made 100 false claims for second consecutive week (July 6, 2018), and never do the rightwing media sources check anything. It is the real journalists doing all the necessary work.

Then again, being one who fed on rightwing media and radio since a pre-teen — a long and uninteresting story of a young kid on punishment making the best entertainment he could find with a radio (was first introduced to political radio stations) — I did not need the study to tell me this fact, that its media and tactics are more fear-based, and anxiety-inducing. There is always some particular group to fear, and hate; and now that group is being taught to be “liberals” (because “liberalism is a cancer” supposedly) and “the Left.”

Concerning the separation of families yet to be reunited, and the attack on journalists, Trump’s rhetoric should have been held more to the fire by the right, if they were not so blindly conned by this man.

“This is classic authoritarianism, which can very quickly lead to dictatorship, and totalitarianism.” (Dan Rather)

Donald Trump, during his campaign, as said, stole the working middle class message of the Democratic Socialist, Bernie Sanders, just as Hillary Clinton incorporated his populist appeal into her message. Yet, President Trump’s policies in the long-run are not due to help the working class and re-build the middle-class, or better yet, the “white working class,” because he’s lining the pockets of share-holders.

To go back on the point about Conservatives in history enabling Fascist regimes to come to power, Trump’s autocratic impulses are transforming the country, according to former strategist, now ex-GOP member, Steve Schmidt; and the Republican Party is enabling him.

With that being said, I put together a few passages from William L. Shirer’s The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, but the featured one is about the lying and censored press and radio in a totalitarian state. Typically, conservatives get annoyed by comparisons between Trump and Fascism and National Socialism, and for those who claim to be the “heirs of the American tradition,” and “constitutionalists,” it is hoped that they take heed how fragile republics are (Bradley J. Birzer: Liberalism and Republicanism in the American Revolution).

The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich

No class or group or party in Germany could escape its share of responsibility for the abandonment of the democratic Republic and the advent of Adolf Hitler. The cardinal error of the Germans who opposed Nazism was their failure to unite against it.” (William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich)

“The theory which Hitler had evolved in his vagabond days in Vienna and never forgotten – that the way to power for a revolutionary movement was to ally itself with some of the powerful institutions in the State – had now worked out in practice pretty much as he had calculated. The President, backed by the Army and the conservatives, had made him Chancellor. His political power, though great, was, however, not complete. It was shared with these three sources of authority, which had put him into office and which were outside and, to some extent, distrustful of the National Socialist movement. Hitler’s immediate task, therefore, was to quickly eliminate them from the driver’s seat, make his party the exclusive master of the State and then with the power of an authoritarian government and its police carry out the Nazi revolution. He had been in office scarcely twenty-four hours when he made his first decisive move, springing a trap on his gullible conservative ”captors” and setting in motion a chain of events which he either originated or controlled and which at the end of six months would bring the complete Nazification of Germany and his own elevation to dictator of the Reich, unified and defederalized for the first time in German history.

…the Nazis and the Nationalists, the only two parties represented in the government, had only 247 seats out of 583 in Parliament and thus lacked a majority. To attain it they needed the backing of the Center Party with its 70 seats. In the very first hours of the new government Hitler had dispatched Goering to talk with the Centrist leaders, and now he reported to the cabinet that the Center was demanding ”certain concessions.” Goering therefore proposed that the Reichstag be dissolved and new elections held, and Hitler agreed. Hugenberg, a man of wooden mind for all his success in business, objected to taking the Center into the government but on the other hand opposed new elections, well knowing that the Nazis, with the resources of the State behind them, might win an absolute majority at the polls and thus be in a position to dispense with his own services and those of his conservative friends.

For the first time – in the last relatively free election Germany was to have – the Nazi Party now could employ all the vast resources of the government to win votes. Goebbels was jubilant. ”Now it will be easy,” he wrote in his diary on February 3, ”to carry on the fight, for we can call on all the resources of the State. Radio and press are at our disposal. We shall stage a masterpiece of propaganda. And this time, naturally, there is no lack of money.” (William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, pp. 167-168)

“Hitler had conquered Germany with the greatest of ease, but a number of problems remained to be faced as summer came in 1933. There were at least five major ones: preventing a second revolution; settling the uneasy relations between the S.A. and the Army; getting the country out of its economic morass and finding jobs for the six million unemployed; achieving equality of armaments for Germany at the Disarmament Conference in Geneva and accelerating the Reich’s secret rearming, which had begun during the last years of the Republic; and deciding who should succeed the ailing Hindenburg when he died. (…) The Nazis had destroyed the Left, but the Right remained: big business and finance, the aristocracy, the Junker landlords and the Prussian generals, who kept tight rein over the Army. Roehm, Goebbels and the other ”radicals” in the movement wanted to liquidate them too. Roehm, whose storm troopers now numbered some two million-twenty times as many as the troops in the Army…” (ibid. pp. 181-82)

“…Hitler had contrary thoughts. For him the Nazi socialist slogans had been merely propaganda, means of winning over the masses on his way to power. Now that he had the power he was uninterested in them. He needed time to consolidate his position and that of the country. For the moment at least the Right – business, the Army, the President – must be appeased. He did not intend to bankrupt Germany and thus risk the very existence of his regime. There must be no second revolution…” (ibid., p. 182)

LYING AND CENSORED PRESS
IN A TOTALITARIAN STATE

I myself was to experience how easily one is taken in by a lying and censored press and radio in a totalitarian state. Though unlike most Germans I had daily access to foreign newspapers, especially those of London, Paris and Zurich, which arrived the day after publication, and though I listened regularly to the BBC and other foreign broadcasts, my job necessitated the spending of many hours a day in combing the German press, checking the German radio, conferring with Nazi officials and going to party meetings. It was surprising and sometimes consternating to find that notwithstanding the opportunities I had to learn the facts and despite one’s inherent distrust of what one learned from Nazi sources, a steady diet over the years of falsifications and distortions made a certain impression on one’s mind and often misled it. No one who has not lived for years in a totalitarian land can possibly conceive how difficult it is to escape the dread consequences of a regime’s calculated and incessant propaganda. Often in a German home or office or sometimes in a casual conversation with a stranger in a restaurant, a beer hall, a café, I would meet with the most outlandish assertions from seemingly educated and intelligent persons. It was obvious that they were parroting some piece of nonsense they had heard on the radio or read in the newspapers. Sometimes one was tempted to say as much, but on such occasions one was met with such a stare of incredulity, such a shock of silence, as if one had blasphemed the Almighty, that one realized how useless it was even to try to make contact with a mind which had become warped and for whom the facts of life had become what Hitler and Goebbels, with their cynical disregard for truth, said they were.

A last similar statement made by Steve Bannon, ought to give paucity for thought, not as a foretelling, or comparison to President Trump, but as a warning, to be wise citizens, and never the puppet, or plaything of demagogues. The republican cause is for the liberation of mankind, and the upliftment of man’s moral compass and intelligence. The Republic is essentially, a family. I leave you with the fine inspiring words of Otto Wells’s defiance against Herr Hitler:

“The fiery Nazi leader sounded quite moderate and almost modest; it was too early in the life of the Third Reich for even the opposition members to know full well the value of Hitler’s promises. Yet one of them, Otto Wells, leader of the Social Democrats, a dozen of whose deputies had been ”detained” by the police, rose – amid the roar of the storm troopers outside yelling, ”Full powers, or else!” – to defy the would-be dictator. Speaking quietly and with great dignity, Wells declared that the government might strip the Socialists of their power but it could never strip them of their honor.

We German Social Democrats pledge ourselves solemnly in this historic hour to the principles of humanity and justice, of freedom and socialism. No enabling act can give you the power to destroy ideas which are eternal and indestructible.

Furious, Hitler jumped to his feet, and now the assembly received a real taste of the man. You come late, but yet you come! [he shouted] . . . You are no longer needed . . . The star of Germany will rise and yours will sink. Your death knell has sounded. . . I do not want your votes. Germany will be free, but not through you! [Stormy applause.]” (William L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany, pg. 176)

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